Holy Roman Empire

At the Berlin Palace, a celebratory banquet had just concluded. As the guest of honor, Moltke was asked to stay behind by Wilhelm I.

Once the guests had departed, the joy on Wilhelm I’s face vanished completely. It was clear that the confidence and composure he had displayed earlier were entirely feigned.

As the king of the Prussian-Polish Federation, Wilhelm I understood better than anyone the crisis they were facing. The Battle of Warsaw was merely a tactical victory, it had not reversed the unfavorable situation on the battlefield.

However, the public needed confidence and victories to stabilize morale, which was the sole purpose of this self-deceptive celebratory banquet.

Wilhelm I asked with concern, “Marshal, when will the Battle of Warsaw come to an end?”

“I don’t know!”

These three simple words carried a heavy weight in this context. It seemed to drain all the energy from Moltke, and his expression darkened instantly after speaking.

This was the honest answer. When the Battle of Warsaw would end was no longer up to the Prussian-Polish Federation to decide. The decision had long since shifted into the hands of the Russians.

…

Moltke shook his head and replied, “Your Majesty, this is not something I can decide! Ending the Battle of Warsaw depends on whether the Russians are willing to agree.

The Russian Fourth and Fifth Armies have been crippled, but their Seventh Army still maintains a certain level of combat strength. Meanwhile, the Third and Sixth Armies are on their way and will arrive at the front line shortly.

This is just the beginning. From what I know, the Russians have seven newly formed armies, and they can deploy at least four of them to the Warsaw battlefield.

Even if these new forces are poorly trained and ineffective, it is impossible for us to defeat them in a short period of time. Moreover, the enemy is in no rush to engage in a decisive battle, which makes any attempt at an offensive on our part even more challenging.

From a military perspective, the enemy has already penetrated deep into our territory. Warsaw has lost its value for us to continue defending it.

If possible, I recommend abandoning Warsaw for now, concentrating our forces to resolve the crises on the northern and southern fronts, and focusing on the defense of the Kingdom of Prussia.”

Seeing Wilhelm I remain silent for a long time, Moltke realized his hesitation and continued to elaborate, “By retreating to defend the Kingdom of Prussia, we not only alleviate our strategic disadvantage but also leverage German nationalism to influence the decisions of the Austrian government.

Austria’s support for the Russians is not without limits. If they perceive that the Russian government harbors ambitions to annex German territories, the situation will shift dramatically.

Without Austrian support, the Russian government won’t hold out for long. Once their coffers run dry, this war will come to an end.

If things progress smoothly, we might even have the chance to encircle and annihilate the Russian main forces in Prussia and reclaim our lost territory.”

On the surface, Austria’s support for Russia seems primarily aimed at eliminating the Prussian-Polish Federation as a competitor, clearing the internal obstacles to unifying Germany.

However, if the Russians show any interest in German territories, a Russo-Austrian conflict could erupt at any moment. Even if their governments try to maintain harmony, nationalist movements will surely incite disputes.

Wilhelm I shook his head and said, “That would be the worst-case scenario. Abandoning Poland may be easy, but taking it back would be extremely difficult. ɌãＮóꞖЁṦ

You’ve experienced Ivanov’s military tactics firsthand. Do you really think there’s much chance of him falling for any traps?

If the Russians continue to play it safe, we won’t be able to hold out for long. We might collapse even before the Russian government’s treasury runs dry.

Moreover, do you truly believe that a Russo-Austrian fallout is imminent? Alexander II isn’t foolish. No matter how much he coveted the German territories, he wouldn’t make his ambitions obvious at this stage.

If I were in Alexander II’s position, I’d cede all Prussian-controlled German territories to Austria as collateral for debts in exchange for the Austrian government’s full support.

Maintaining strong Russo-Austrian relations would allow them to recover their strength behind Austria’s protection after the war, calmly watching the power struggles in Europe, and waiting for the next continental upheaval.

Sowing discord between Russia and Austria isn’t realistic. However, seeking support from other nations is possible. At the very least, we could push Britain to increase its involvement.

It’s a pity that Denmark has aligned with the Russians. Otherwise, leasing the Royal Navy for a surprise attack on St. Petersburg would have been a brilliant move.”

The Prussian government had thoroughly studied Russo-Austrian relations and concluded that the Russia-Austria split would eventually happen, but not now. Rather, it would occur in the future, during the struggle for continental dominance.

The Russo-Prussian War hasn’t even ended yet, and even if the Russian government is stubborn, it won’t immediately join the fight for supremacy in Europe.

This means the Russo-Austrian conflict is still a long way off. For the time being, the Prussian-Polish Federation will remain the primary target of Russian aggression.

In fact, Wilhelm I had another reason he didn’t express outright. Right now, he is not just the King of Prussia, but also the King of Poland.

If he abandons Poland now, it will be impossible for him to gain the support of the Polish people in the future.

Politics is cruel. If there’s no turning back, so be it as the situation can’t get any worse. But if the Prussians turn the tide on the battlefield and regain lost ground, then his position as the King of Poland, who abandoned Polish territories, would be over.

At that point, rebuilding the Prussian-Polish Federation and easing relations with Poland would require him to take responsibility. Abdication would be the best outcome, and in the worst case, he might not live to see it.

When it comes to interests, anything is possible. After all, as the war has progressed, Wilhelm I’s control over the country has effectively reached its lowest point.

In this context, abandoning Warsaw is an option, but the order cannot come from him. He must find someone else to take the fall.

Is there anyone more suitable than Moltke?

In order to win the war, it makes perfect sense for the commander-in-chief at the front to order the abandonment of Poland.

As for Moltke, he will face criticism after the war, and perhaps even infamy. Wilhelm I might actually prefer to tarnish his reputation further, as no emperor likes a subordinate whose achievements overshadow the ruler’s.

If he wasn’t hinting that Moltke should take the fall, Wilhelm I would never have made such ambiguous statements. The final complaint was even unnecessary.

The failure to implement the St. Petersburg raid plan wasn’t due to the Danes siding with the Russian government, the key reason was that the British dropped the ball.

The British government wasn’t willing to invest in this endeavor, and there are many reasons behind that.

Domestically: opposition parties obstructed; internationally: France and Austria wanted the British to adhere to the rules, and the Nordic Federation didn’t want to see the British expand their influence into the Baltic Sea.

If it were to protect Britain’s own interests, the British government could stand firm. The issue now is that it is for the benefit of the Prussian-Polish Federation, and making them pay such a high price, the British government naturally isn’t willing.

No matter how much debt they have and even if the financial consortiums can influence politics, that doesn’t mean they can make government decisions. In this day and age, capitalists don’t hold the reins.

After thinking for a moment, Moltke gave a wry smile and said, “I know what to do now.”

With that, Motlke turned and left the palace without even a formal goodbye.

Throughout it all, Wilhelm I never attempted to stop him. The rift had widened, and there was nothing to be done about it. Since Roon’s death, the relationship between Wilhelm I and Moltke had begun to deteriorate.

Without the lubricant of diplomacy, the conflict between the Prussian federal government and the military had intensified. Wilhelm I, playing the political balance game, had to support the weaker government to counter the military, which was inevitable.

As the head of the military, Moltke naturally became the front-runner in this conflict, and with more clashes occurring, the deterioration of their relationship was unavoidable.

Now, Wilhelm I making Moltke take the fall was not just a necessity due to the situation, but also a continuation of the political struggle.

Otherwise, the government could also take the fall, but the Prussian government was already weak, and should they carry this burden, they would be even less able to counter the military.

After the unpleasant meeting ended, Moltke took a special train back to the front line overnight. On the surface, it appeared to be an urgent matter on the front, but in reality, it was a silent protest.

After all, he could not refuse to take the fall. Being the top of the military isn’t easy, and one must consider the overall interests of the military.

The military’s influence is built on the foundation of victory. The Prussian-Polish Federation was a nation owned by the military, and if they lost the war, the hardest hit would be the military, led by the Junker nobility.

From a purely military perspective, retreating to the Kingdom of Prussia after giving up Warsaw was the only chance for survival. Just based on this reason, Moltke had to act.

He may offend the Poles, but he remains a high-ranking Marshal. At most, he would be criticized a bit… His reputation couldn’t be eaten anyway. If they lost the war, however, he would be nothing.

Acting out of spite was out of the question. If he acted out of anger and refused to retreat, choosing instead to stubbornly defend Warsaw, it wouldn’t be out of spite, it would be a gamble with his life.

The concept of a “traitor’s punishment” wasn’t exclusive to the Japanese. In fact, the Kingdom of Prussia was the origin, though they weren’t so fanatical about it.

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