Holy Roman Empire

When news of the Battle of Warsaw spread, the Russian command headquarters was shrouded in gloom. The favorable situation in Warsaw had been completely lost, and within the Russian government, calls to abandon the northern and southern offensives and send reinforcements to Warsaw grew louder.

On the day the battle report was received, Ivanov boarded a train back to St. Petersburg and held a private meeting with Alexander II overnight.

The specific details of their discussion remain unknown, but the internal turbulence in Russia was quelled with the intervention of Alexander II.

After resolving the internal disputes, Marshal Ivanov turned his focus back to the battlefield. Looking at the casualty numbers in his hands, he let out a deep sigh.

“Order the Fourth Army to retreat. There’s no need for them to stay there any longer.”

Perhaps it was a rare moment of compassion, but more likely, it was simply because their presence was no longer necessary. Ivanov had initially hoped the Fourth Army could hold off the Prussian main forces and buy time for the Russian army.

But now, with the Fifth Army shattered and the Seventh Army severely weakened, even the arrival of the Third and Sixth Armies would not enable the Russians to encircle and annihilate the Prussian main forces.

At this stage, there was no longer any need for the Fourth Army to sacrifice itself. No matter how dissatisfied Ivanov might have been with them, he had to consider the political consequences of the Fourth Army’s total annihilation.

A middle-aged officer cautiously reminded, “Marshal, according to the latest intelligence from the front, the Fourth Army has lost most of its main forces. General Obodov has less than 30,000 troops remaining under his command. Attempting a breakout might be…”

Ivanov snapped impatiently, “Enough with the ‘might.’ The Prussian main forces are in Warsaw. Their total troop strength is limited, and Moltke isn’t God, he can’t conjure up additional armies.

Most of the units surrounding the Fourth Army are likely just for show. It’s only because that fool Obodov failed to realize the enemy’s main forces had moved out. If someone else had been in charge, the situation wouldn’t have become this disastrous.”

Shifting the blame!

When an army suffers defeat, someone has to take responsibility. The Fifth and Seventh Armies’ leadership, being directly involved, certainly won’t escape accountability.

For now, their responsibility has not been addressed, as they are still needed to command their units and redeem themselves through action. However, after the war, the Russian government will undoubtedly evaluate their contributions and failures.

As the overall commander of the Russian forces, Marshal Ivanov would also have to bear some responsibility. At times like this, a scapegoat is necessary and Obodov was the unlucky one.

That said, Obodov wasn’t entirely blameless. If he hadn’t acted on his own initiative and disrupted the Russian army’s overall deployment, the crushing defeat at Warsaw might never have occurred.

…

Since the Battle of Warsaw began, Franz had been closely monitoring the developments. He had to admit that the Prussian forces had executed the campaign exceptionally well, maximizing their speed and efficiency.

In contrast, the Russian army’s performance was far inferior, especially in terms of coordination. When the Fifth Army came under attack by the Prussians, the Seventh Army failed to provide timely reinforcements. Before they could react, the Fifth Army had already been decimated.

Had the Russians responded more quickly or been more vigilant, the Fifth and Seventh Armies might have worked together more effectively, providing timely support. In that case, the Prussian victory wouldn’t have come so easily.

Chief of Staff Albrecht reported, “Your Majesty, the Russo-Prussian War is nearing its conclusion. Unless a miracle occurs, the defeat of the Prussian-Polish Federation is all but certain.”

This conclusion greatly surprised Franz. Before the Battle of Warsaw, the General Staff had estimated the odds of victory for the Russo-Prussian War to be 80-20 in favor of Russia. Now, despite the Prussians’ victory at Warsaw, their chances of overall success had apparently diminished.

Puzzled, Franz asked, “Why? The Prussians won the Battle of Warsaw. Their odds should have improved, not decreased. How can this be?”

Albrecht explained, “From a tactical perspective, the Prussians fought brilliantly in the Battle of Warsaw, completely reversing the unfavorable situation in the region.

However, strategically, it’s a different story. After the Battle of Warsaw, the Russians have lost their numerical advantage in the area, but this will only make the Third and Sixth Armies proceed with extreme caution moving forward.

It is almost impossible for the Prussians to find another opportunity to encircle and annihilate the remaining Russian forces. Based on Ivanov’s usual style, the Russian army is unlikely to launch further offensives. Instead, they will probably shadow the Prussian forces from a distance.

The combined strength of the Third and Sixth Armies, along with remnants of the Seventh and Fifth Armies, still totals around 600,000 troops. Defeating them won’t be a task that can be accomplished quickly.

The Prussians, for their part, have also suffered losses in the previous battles. The forces under Moltke’s command are likely comparable in size to the Russian troops, making it difficult for them to divide their forces to reinforce other fronts.

If the Prussians attempt to split their forces, the Russians will immediately seize the opportunity to retake Warsaw.

Moltke cannot afford to abandon Warsaw. Losing Warsaw means losing Poland, and the political and military ramifications of such a loss would be unbearable for the Prussian government.

Before the war, the General Staff had assessed the Prussian-Polish Federation’s chances of success at 20%, but that was contingent on a decisive victory in the Battle of Warsaw, where Moltke needed to eliminate both the Third and Sixth Russian Armies.

Under normal circumstances, this is nearly an impossible task. Moltke likely realized he couldn’t guarantee such a result, which is why he acted early and took action before the Russians could fully concentrate their forces.”

From a military perspective, Moltke’s approach is undoubtedly correct. Once the Russian forces have fully concentrated, even if they present themselves as a target, the Prussian army wouldn’t be able to handle them. Striking first is undoubtedly the best choice.

However, the correct choice doesn’t necessarily guarantee ultimate victory. The gap in strength cannot be bridged by individual effort alone.

If it were purely a military matter, the best option would be to abandon Warsaw temporarily, eliminate the Russian forces on the southern front, and then return for a decisive battle.

In reality, this is impossible. The Prussian forces include a large number of Polish soldiers. If Moltke were to abandon Warsaw without a fight, it would lead to mutiny among the Polish troops.

Finance Minister Karl questioned this view, “That might not be entirely true! The Prussian-Polish Federation has already mobilized completely. Many retired veterans have returned to active duty, and military academy students have graduated early to join the ranks.

These newly formed units lack sufficient training and their combat effectiveness is questionable, but they should at least be able to hold defensive positions and delay the enemy.”

Albrecht nodded in agreement and argued, “Berlin might be defensible, but Poznań definitely isn’t. At this stage of the war, the Polish population can no longer be relied upon.

In the battle for East Prussia, with the Russian navy playing a role, the Prussian forces have little chance of success. Defeat is only a matter of time.

The Prussian-Polish Federation cannot afford to lose. Any breach by the Russians, whether in the north or south, will leave the Prussian forces in Warsaw isolated.”

Human nature is the most complex thing, and loyalty always has its limits.

People tend to believe what they see with their own eyes rather than what the government tells them. If the Russians are already at the gates and the government still claims “victory is within reach,” who would believe it?

The Prussian-Polish Federation has only been established for a few years, and there hasn’t been enough time to cultivate the people’s loyalty. Once morale falters, it’s like a flock of birds scattering in a storm with every man for himself.

The Russian government hasn’t ruled Poland for just a day or two, it has long-established roots there. For the capitalists and nobility, it’s not unusual to collude with the Russians in secret to protect their own interests.

…

After a brief moment of contemplation, Franz made his decision, “Since the outcome is already determined, we should not intervene. Have the Immigration Office prepare accordingly. Another wave of migration is about to begin.

This time, the migration is quite unusual, as it includes a large number of retired soldiers. It is crucial to thoroughly screen them to prevent extremists from slipping through.”

There was no choice. The intellectual climate in Europe these days was a chaotic mess, with all kinds of ideologies running rampant with over 80% of them utopian fantasies.

This was especially true in war-torn regions, where extremist ideologies were highly prevalent. Austria was taking in immigrants to develop its colonial economy, not to serve as a testing ground for new ideologies.

“Yes, Your Majesty!”

Visit and read more novel to help us update chapter quickly. Thank you so much!