Holy Roman Empire

Compared to Austria’s calm response, the Prussian government was in a state of panic.

The banner of the Prussian-Polish Federation was still there, and the refugees were all citizens of the federation. Now intercepting their own citizens from entering the country was clearly indefensible.

However, not intercepting them posed its own set of problems. With millions of refugees pouring in, there were certainly no jobs available for them, and even if the Prussian government did everything in its power, it still wouldn’t be able to resettle them all.

Employment could wait, and housing wasn’t too difficult to arrange. Also, setting up makeshift shelters for entire families was an option. As refugees, they couldn’t afford to be picky. But they still had to be fed, right?

Hunger cannot be deceived. With millions of mouths crying out to be fed, once they were allowed in, the Prussian government would have to figure out a way to feed them all.

Without a doubt, this was a bottomless pit. Perhaps the Russians wouldn’t even need to invade. The refugees alone could bankrupt the Kingdom of Prussia.

Since the start of the Second Russo-Prussian War, Wilhelm I’s health had deteriorated rapidly. The unfavorable news from the battlefield was weighing so heavily on the elderly king that he could barely catch his breath.

Time spares no one, and the years had gradually eroded Wilhelm I’s once-ambitious aspirations. Now, he only wished for a peaceful resolution. However, even that had become a luxury.

The unique system of the Kingdom of Prussia dictated that once this war machine was set in motion, it could no longer be stopped. Anyone who attempted to halt its advance would be crushed to dust.

This unstoppable war machine had no brakes. It could only come to a halt when the horses were exhausted. As the driver, Wilhelm I could do nothing but steer it in the right direction, choosing the widest roads possible.

Dragging his aging body, Wilhelm I asked with concern, “What is the stance of the other European countries?”

Without a doubt, the influx of millions of refugees had already exceeded the limits of what the Kingdom of Prussia could bear. The Prussian government was unable to resolve the refugee crisis on its own and had no choice but to seek help from the international community.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied with a grim expression, “The situation is very bad. While all the European countries have condemned the atrocities committed by the Russians, few are willing to take any concrete action.

Currently, the primary sources of substantial aid are the German states.

Austria has promised to provide us with relief supplies worth 5 million marks and 20,000 tons of grain within a month. The other German states combined have pledged approximately 30 million marks in aid.

However, our negotiations with Britain and Germany have taken a turn. The British government has once again shifted its stance and is now leaning more toward Hanover.

If we want to secure their greater support, we must establish North Germany together with Hanover and, in addition, cede part of our territory to Hanover in exchange for funds to repay our debts.”

Wilhelm I had no time to take comfort in the fact that, in times of crisis, it was their fellow Germans who could be relied upon. He was completely stunned by the conditions that followed. This was outright exploitation.

Establishing North Germany was acceptable, and although it was hard to swallow the idea of Hanover taking the lead, the Kingdom of Prussia was in no position to argue. However, ceding territory was a different matter altogether. It was a life-or-death issue.

The enormous debt owed by the Prussian-Polish Federation would ultimately fall on the shoulders of the Prussian government. To alleviate the debt crisis, the amount of territory that needed to be sold would certainly not be insignificant.

In order to secure dominance over North Germany, Hanover would do everything possible to weaken the Kingdom of Prussia so being ruthlessly exploited was an inevitable outcome.

Frankly speaking, if paying such a price could help them safely get through the current crisis, Wilhelm I wouldn’t actually mind compromising with Hanover. ɌãΝÒꞖÈꞩ

The problem, however, was that Prussia wasn’t his alone to decide. The conditions proposed by Hanover had already crossed the bottom line of the Junker aristocracy, and they would never accept them.

In this regard, the situation was somewhat similar to the Donglin movement at the end of the Ming Dynasty. They knew full well that refusing to pay taxes would doom the empire, and once everything was reshuffled, they, as vested interests, would suffer as well. Yet they stubbornly refused to make any concessions.

When the Ming Dynasty finally collapsed, they realized that serving their new masters was no easy task, but by then, it was too late for regrets. Under the executioner’s blade, they quickly chose to compromise.

The Junker aristocracy of today is no different. They are willing to end the war, but only if their interests are secured first.

However, reality does not allow for such conditions. No party could possibly afford such an astronomical price.

And so, everything was at an impasse. The Prussian government wanted to handle the aftermath, but they dared not take action because the one who wakes everyone up first usually doesn’t meet a good end.

Wilhelm I asked, “What do you all think?”

The room fell silent. No one responded. It was not because they didn't know what to say, but because they simply didn’t dare to say it.

Politics is ruthless. A single wrong word can come at a painful cost, especially in such a sensitive moment. A careless remark could easily brand someone a “traitor to the nation” condemned to death.

Seeing no one willing to speak, Wilhelm I sighed and said, “Today’s discussion will be kept strictly confidential and only the people in this room will know about it. Once you leave, you can completely deny ever having said anything. So, feel free to speak your mind.”

This was the unfortunate reality of the “****ism” system.

Especially after the First Russo-Prussian War, the power of the Junker aristocracy had grown even stronger, forcing the Prussian government to operate under their influence.

It is worth mentioning that without exception, all the cabinet members present were of Junker noble background. In theory, they were representatives of this group’s interests.

However, thanks to Wilhelm I’s machinations and the divergence of individual interests, the once-unified Junker aristocracy had begun to fracture.

At this point, aside from the radical faction within the military, which still dreamed of turning the tide, everyone else understood that the Prussian-Polish Federation was finished. Without immediate self-preservation efforts, the Kingdom of Prussia would soon follow suit.

When disaster strikes, everyone looks out for themselves first. At this point, government officials in politics prioritize protecting their own interests above all else. Of course, patriotism exists, but for most politicians, it takes a backseat to personal gain.

Under Wilhelm I’s piercing gaze, Prime Minister Leo von Caprivi nervously replied, “Your Majesty, at this stage, no matter how excessive the conditions may be, we have no choice but to negotiate.

It’s not surprising that the British have sided with Hanover. When choosing a pawn to support, they naturally prefer one that is easier to control. Compared to us, a Hanover-led Northern Germany would be far more dependent on them.

Besides that, debt is also a major factor. After the war, our financial revenue will surely decline sharply, and for the next five years, our income might not even cover the interest payments.

If the British want to recover their loans, the prerequisite is that we must have money in our pockets first. Forcing us to sell land is hardly unexpected.

However, our debt is so enormous that even if the Russians bleed us dry, selling all our remaining territory might still not be enough to repay what we owe them.

If the British want us to continue repaying our debt, they must leave us with enough capital to sustain ourselves.

Moreover, Hanover is limited in scale so they can’t absorb too much. From this perspective, the price we need to pay might not be as high as we fear.

If their conditions are too excessive, we could consider reaching out to the Austrians. Although the Austrian government may not be welcoming to us right now, if we offer ourselves to them, they won’t be able to refuse.”

Leo von Caprivi, as prime minister, was the product of compromise among various factions. In normal times, he was little more than a rubber stamp, with hardly any presence. However, the fact that he had risen to the position of prime minister was proof that he was far from being as simple as he appeared.

Wilhelm I’s eyes lit up at this response. It wasn’t that he hadn’t considered these possibilities. Rather, his advanced age left him without the energy to think everything through deeply.

Indeed, the Prussian government still had choices. Although neither path would be easy, having options was better than having none at all. More choices meant greater leverage in negotiations.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman shook his head and said, “Forget about Austria. At most, we can make a show of reaching out to them to gain leverage in negotiations with Hanover, but the military would never agree to it.”

Joining the Austria-led Holy Roman Empire would be most detrimental not to the government, but to the military. The Austrian government typically didn’t interfere in local affairs, but they insisted on keeping the army firmly under their control.

Looking at the other German states, it was clear that once the central government took over their military forces and assumed responsibility for military expenditures, the state governments were left with nothing but police and militias.

Of course, the absence of a state army didn’t mean that the king would have no troops. In addition to the royal household guards, the troops stationed locally would still be under the command of the king of the state.

This is also why the Austrian government can easily gain command over the military. They only strip the state governments of their control over the army, while the powers of the kings remain intact.

From the perspective of the kings, this actually strengthens royal authority. With troops under their command, their words carry more weight, and since military funding comes from the central government, state governments find it difficult to exert financial influence.

Difficult, but not impossible. If a state government is willing to spend money, it can still maintain some influence.

However, no state government is willing to do so. No matter how much they expand their armies, command ultimately rests with the king and the emperor, leaving them with no real influence.

Since they have no intention of rebelling, why bother maintaining influence over the army?

Essentially, the political structure of the new Holy Roman Empire is a system jointly created by the emperor and the kings, with the core objective of preserving their own power.

Wilhelm I had no objections to this arrangement, but the Prussian military certainly did!

In other states, it was the governments that suffered, losing control over their armies. In Prussia, however, the situation was the complete opposite. It was the military that would lose control over the government.

If the merger were to happen, the first thing the Prussian government would likely do is halt military funding and initiate large-scale disarmament.

If conditions allow, they might even apply to the central government to dissolve the military altogether which is something politicians would certainly be willing to do.

There was precedent for this. After joining the Holy Roman Empire, the Principality of Liechtenstein disbanded its military. Don’t ask why. They simply didn’t want it anymore.

Finance Minister Gormann chuckled and said, “It’s not entirely impossible. If the military suffers a crushing defeat on the battlefield, they won’t have the leverage to oppose it.

Judging by the current situation, the chances of this happening are quite high. The only issue is that if our army is severely weakened, we’ll lose our bargaining power with the Russians.”

Politics is ruthless. Class interests do not always align with personal interests. While a military defeat would be a major blow to the Junker aristocracy, for the politicians, it would present an opportunity to seize power.

If it weren’t for concerns that a defeat would undermine their negotiating position with Russia, the people present wouldn’t care much about the military suffering heavy losses.

Wilhelm I was deeply conflicted. On one hand, he hoped the military would win a few battles to gain leverage in negotiations with the Russians, allowing for a dignified end to the war.

On the other hand, he wanted to use the war to weaken the military’s power, enabling the government to take control and end the war as quickly as possible, thereby securing his throne.

After a moment of hesitation, Wilhelm I made a decision, “Let’s initiate contact with both parties for now, and ultimately, we’ll decide based on the situation on the battlefield.

Austria’s position is largely settled, and the Austrian government doesn’t want to get involved in this mess, so they likely won’t bring any results. If it comes to that, we can simply rely on them anyway.

For now, the focus should be on negotiations with Hanover. We need to understand the level of support the British are willing to give them, as this will affect our future standing in Germany.”

This response wasn’t surprising. The Prussian military was too powerful, and even the king lacked the ability to oppose them.

Unless the Prussian army suffered a catastrophic defeat and the Russians directly occupied Berlin, the government had to consider the military’s interests when making decisions.

Visit and read more novel to help us update chapter quickly. Thank you so much!