Holy Roman Empire

On November 27, 1880, the Prussian army arrived in Poznań. After a brief rest, they launched an attack on the Russian Eighth Army the next day.

Despite harassment from Russian cavalry and airships, the Prussian forces took less than eight days to cover the distance from Warsaw to Poznań. This feat exemplified the principle of “speed is the essence of war.”

Anyone with basic military knowledge knows that the larger the army, the harder it is to coordinate and the slower its march.

With a total strength of 468,000 troops, the Prussian army’s ability to march over 280 kilometers in just eight days was nothing short of a miracle in military history.

Without exceptional organizational capabilities, the lead units might have reached their destination while the rear units had yet to set off. With such a large force, they could easily stretch from Poznań all the way back to Warsaw in two rows.

Unquestionably, the Prussian army’s rapid advance exceeded Russian expectations. Even the closer Ninth Army hadn’t arrived when the enemy reached the battlefield first.

Despite the valiant resistance of the Russian Eighth Army, it was to no avail. Not only was blocking the Prussian forces’ westward retreat out of reach, but even holding Poznań itself had become a daunting challenge.

…

At the Russian command headquarters, Ivanov sighed helplessly as he looked at the urgent telegram requesting reinforcements.

“Order the Eighth Army to hold Poznań and await reinforcements. Direct the Ninth Army to accelerate their march and reinforce the Eighth Army as soon as possible.”

Chief of Staff Julien Benneteau cautiously reminded him, “Marshal, the Prussian main force arrived in Poznań two days ago. It’s likely that the city is already surrounded.

At this point, it will be difficult for the Ninth Army to immediately join up with the Eighth Army inside the city. On the contrary, they could be isolated and destroyed while trying to reinforce.

The Eighth Army can hold the city, enduring for ten to fifteen days without much difficulty. It might be better to have the Ninth Army join forces with the Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies before proceeding with the reinforcement.”

From a military perspective, Julien Benneteau’s concerns were entirely valid. In open field battles, the Ninth Army alone stood little chance against the enemy’s main force.

If they were to encounter the enemy, the best-case scenario would be suffering heavy losses. In the worst case, the entire army could be annihilated. Without the Ninth Army, the remaining two second-line armies would also be insufficient to stand against the enemy.

Ivanov sneered and said, “There’s no need. If Moltke has such an appetite, what harm is there in giving them the Ninth Army?

The Eighth Army has a total strength of 216,000 troops, and the Ninth Army has 187,000. Combined, they exceed 400,000. It’s not so easy to swallow a force of that size.

If they can’t achieve a quick victory, our Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies will arrive on the battlefield. Even if Moltke manages to win, how many troops will he have left afterward?

If their main forces are exhausted, it won’t be something they can rebuild in a day or two. We certainly won’t give them that time.

The force Moltke has now is the elite of the Prussian army. If he’s willing to trade it away, why should we be stingy?”

The Prussian government has already begun full mobilization, but the newly formed units are far from combat-ready, primarily due to a lack of officers and a shortage of veteran soldiers.

The elite troops under Moltke’s command are particularly critical. With these forces, they can use veterans to train new recruits, giving the Prussian army one last chance to stage a comeback.

Of course, staging such a comeback won’t be easy. The Prussian army lacks sufficient time, and Ivanov has no intention of giving them room to breathe.

At this stage of the war, losses no longer matter. A glance at the map shows that the Prussian-Polish Federation has already lost 55% of its territory, 40% of its population, half of its grain production capacity, and one-third of its industry.

And this is only the beginning. The flames of war have reached the heart of the Kingdom of Prussia. Once Warsaw falls, the Federation will be left with just one-third of its territory.

No matter how brilliantly the Prussian army performs on the battlefield, it cannot compensate for the disparity in national power. The Prussian army’s inability to sustain itself is becoming increasingly evident.

…

The Russian army suffered setbacks in Poznań, but that doesn’t mean it faced the same difficulties on other fronts.

In the Baltic region, where the Russians hold naval superiority, they are pressing hard against the Prussian army with a combined land and sea offensive, already capturing a quarter of East Prussia.

In Warsaw, the balance of power shifted after the Prussian main forces withdrew. Although the Russians have yet to breach Warsaw, they are close.

It’s not that the Polish defenders of Warsaw aren’t putting in their all. It’s simply that the Russians have been too cunning, driving large numbers of refugees into the city, thereby increasing the burden on the defenders.

The Russian Tenth Army, tasked with raiding Berlin, is now less than 80 kilometers from the city. Of course, this distance may be their limit, as advancing further is likely beyond the capabilities of the Tenth Army.

From a military perspective, the Tenth Army’s raid has clearly failed, as it did not achieve the element of surprise and was discovered by the enemy early on.

Politically, however, the situation is entirely different. The appearance of the Tenth Army near Berlin has had a disastrous psychological impact on the Prussian-Polish Federation, leading to growing pessimism about the war.

If not for the deep-seated hatred of the Russians and the immense stakes the Prussian government has invested in this war, leaving them with no room for retreat, they might have already sought a compromise with the Russians.

In London, upon realizing that the Prussian-Polish Federation’s downfall was inevitable, saw the Benjamin Cabinet begin deliberating on how to minimize Britain’s losses.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield stated, “Based on our data analysis, the most optimistic estimate is that if the Prussian-Polish Federation is defeated, we stand to lose at least 300 million pounds in wealth.

The total overseas assets of the Federation amount to less than 150 million pounds, including the final deposits in the Prussian government’s accounts and the gold they pledged as collateral.

Most of these overseas assets are concentrated in Austrian Africa and are privately owned. Even if we wanted to freeze them, it would be nearly impossible.”

Clearly, it’s now exceedingly difficult to mitigate the losses. The Federation’s financial reserves are too weak, and much of the collateral they’ve provided can only be realized under the assumption that they win the war.

In theory, immediately freezing the Prussian government’s accounts in British banks, seizing their pledged gold, and confiscating their overseas assets could minimize the damage.

In reality, this is not feasible. As a global superpower, Britain also has its reputation to consider. If it were to exploit this moment to strike a fallen ally, how would the smaller allies perceive it?

Though Britain is powerful, it has not reached the point where it can afford to alienate its allies.

It is currently the era of the British-French-Austrian triad, with no single power able to dominate. Against the backdrop of the three major powers refraining from direct involvement, the nation that garners the most allies holds the advantage in international politics.

Foreign Secretary Edward remarked, “Freezing assets is out of the question, including the gold pledged by the Prussian government. We cannot touch it, at least not until the Prussian-Polish Federation collapses.

The immediate priority is to find a way to preserve the Federation, or at the very least, safeguard the Kingdom of Prussia. We must set an example for the world, demonstrating that even if a nation collaborating with Britain fails, we have the strength to protect them.”

In a sense, the Russo-Prussian War is a continuation of the British-French-Austrian rivalry, with the three powers leveraging the conflict for their political maneuvers. However, after France withdrew midway, it ultimately became a contest between Britain and Austria.

The competition between great powers is not settled in a day since losing today only means winning tomorrow. If setbacks in the struggle prompt Britain to stab its allies in the back, who would dare to cooperate with them in the future?

Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield nodded in agreement and said, “Of course, that is essential. Only if the debtor remains can we hope to recover our investment.

The Prussian government is currently too impoverished. Even if we froze all their assets, it wouldn’t be enough to cover our losses.

The question is, can we protect them? The Russians are in a dominant position now, and I doubt the Russian government would let such a formidable adversary off the hook just to let us save face.”

How much influence does Britain truly wield? This is a question without a definitive answer, as it varies across regions and nations.

From the moment the British government began supporting the Prussian-Polish Federation, their sway lost its effectiveness in the Russian Empire. When their own interests are at stake, the Russian government cares little about British threats.

Foreign Secretary Edward stated, “Whether the Russians like it or not, they will have to comply. No country wants to see Russian influence extend deep into Central Europe. Not even Austria, which currently supports them.

If the Russians were to annex the Prussian-Polish Federation, how could Austria’s dream of a Central European empire ever come to fruition? The Austrian government’s bottom line should be ensuring that the Russian government only reclaims the Polish and Lithuanian regions.

The only real concern is the possibility of a secret Russo-Austrian agreement to divide the Prussian-Polish Federation. Such secret agreements are Austria’s forte, and no one knows how many they have signed over the years.”

“Austria’s secret agreements” are also one of Europe’s favorite topics of speculation. Widely rumored agreements include the Russo-Austrian secret treaty, Franco-Austrian secret treaty, Anglo-Austrian secret treaty, Spanish-Austrian secret treaty, Dutch-Austrian secret treaty, and numerous agreements with German states.

Undoubtedly, many of these so-called secret treaties are baseless. Most are simply regular treaties kept temporarily confidential due to political needs, but to the public, they transform into “secret agreements.”

The Austrian government has never provided explanations, as denying these claims only adds fuel to the fire. Even when treaty contents are revealed, there remains a crowd unwilling to believe otherwise.

The waters are getting muddier, with a mix of truths and falsehoods, making it even harder for the outside world to distinguish between them.

Secret treaties between Russia and Austria certainly exist, otherwise, the publicly visible agreements wouldn’t have been enough to motivate the Austrian government to invest heavily in the Russian government. The specific details, however, remain unclear to the British government.

Prime Minister Benjamin said, “This isn’t the issue. Austria isn’t ready yet. At this point, they don’t have the confidence to swallow the Kingdom of Prussia whole if they were to divide the Prussian-Polish Federation.

I’ve studied Franz. He cares a great deal about his personal reputation. Even if he were to annex the Kingdom of Prussia, he wouldn’t choose to collaborate with the Russians at this time.

The urgent matter now is to gain French support. We can’t delay any longer. I have a bad feeling, like something major is about to happen in Europe.”

Foreign Secretary Edward chuckled, “Prime Minister, you’re quite humorous! Europe is already faced with a major event. After the Russo-Prussian War, the political landscape of Europe will be reshuffled, and the future will see a tripartite power structure with France, Austria, and Russia.

Though we failed in our support of the Prussian-Polish Federation, the situation on the continent isn’t all bad. The Russians will win the war and now Europe has another competitor. The Austrian government will likely have a tough time ahead.”

Chancellor of the Exchequer Garfield said, “Sir, you’re being too optimistic. Russo-Austrian relations are still quite good, and there is no possibility of a fallout in the short term.

The Russo-Prussian War has cost Russia dearly, and for a long time to come, the Russian government will need to recuperate. They won’t be advancing westward anytime soon.

On the other hand, we are the ones who are about to face trouble. After dealing with the Prussian-Polish Federation, Russia’s next target is likely to be Central Asia.”

It’s a common tactic to pick on the weak. In this age of survival of the fittest, it is hardly surprising.

The weakened Russian Empire may not be able to challenge Austria, but bullying the Central Asian khanates is still well within their reach.

Visit and read more novel to help us update chapter quickly. Thank you so much!