Holy Roman Empire

Chapter 197: Opening a New Front

Constantinople

Abdulmejid I’s expression was terrifyingly gloomy. For Britain and France, this Balkan war was just a minor episode, but it would be fatal for the Ottoman government.

For this war, the Ottoman Empire had exhausted all its resources. Without doubt, this was the limit of their strength.

Over 1 million soldiers mobilized in total, combat abilities aside, the Ottoman Empire had thrown everything they had into this conflict.

However, the situation on the battlefield left Abdulmejid I greatly disappointed. Originally, the allied forces should have had a slight advantage, but after the British and French kept vying for command, even that little edge vanished.

Resolve the differences between Britain and France? Don’t even dream about it. Historically, during two world wars that concerned life and death, Britain and France could still undermine each other. How could sincere cooperation be expected in their current situation?

Abdulmejid I solemnly said: “Contact the British and French governments through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and tell them that if they continue to preserve their strength on the battlefield, we will lose this war.”

“Yes, Your Majesty.” Foreign Minister Fuad Pasha replied.

Despite the intensity of the current conflict, the actual casualties for Britain and France were not significant. Most of the casualties on the battlefield were Ottoman soldiers.

Since the British had their guns pointed at the necks of the Ottomans, forcing them to deplete the strength of the Russian forces on the battlefield, the French naturally didn’t mind following suit.

In Sliven, the Russians initially gave the French a good beating. To preserve their strength, the French naturally used the Ottoman troops as cannon fodder.

Anyway, the Ottomans were the ones begging for help from Britain and France, even if they behave excessively, the Ottoman government had to endure it.

As the battle progressed, the British and French have lost less than 15% of their forces, including non-combat losses, while Ottoman troop losses have exceeded 25%.

Under normal circumstances, with such large casualties, the Ottoman forces should have collapsed long ago, but things differed with hawks watching over them.

To some extent, having the British and French point guns at their necks and forcing them onto the battlefield had a positive effect, at least causing significant casualties to the Russian forces.

Minister of War Damat Mehmed Ali Pasha anxiously proposed, “Your Majesty, let Britain and France send more troops. According to the current situation, they are unlikely to cooperate well. The only way to win this war is to rely on overwhelming power.

The battle has progressed to this point, and yet we are already at a disadvantage. Even if the British and French are willing to fight desperately, the result will be mutual destruction.”

Abdulmejid I sighed and said with a wry smile, “It’s not that simple. This war is not so important for Britain and France. Even if they lose, it’s not a big deal.

Perhaps in the eyes of Britain and France, placing the battlefield in the coastal areas or having a defensive battle for Constantinople would be more cost-effective.

Moreover, with the lengthening of the frontlines, the logistical pressure on the Russians will increase significantly, and the number of troops they can deploy to the frontlines will inevitably decrease, increasing the chances of the allied forces winning.”

The British and French could afford to do this, but the Ottoman Empire could not. If they were to engage in a decisive battle with the Russians along the coastal areas, the heartland of the Ottoman Empire would become a battlefield.

Even if they were to win the war in the end, their dominance in the Balkan Peninsula would be jeopardized. Preserving the current control over the region would be challenging, let alone recovering the lost territories.

Reality was harsh. The British and French joined forces only to counter the Russians, with little consideration for the life or death of the Ottoman Empire.

For the costs paid in this war, without any gains, and risking losing a significant portion of the Balkan Peninsula, it was understandable for Abdulmejid I to harbor resentment.

Unfortunately, the deep-rooted conflict between the Ottoman Empire and the Russians prevented the Sultanate from seeking reconciliation. Even if the Ottoman government wanted to surrender, the Russians would still come after them, forcing them to follow the British and French.

......

London

The situation in the Balkan Peninsula has reached a stalemate, causing a headache for the British government. Despite their wealth and power, they cannot afford to ignore the situation.

From a perspective of interest, ending this war as soon as possible and redirecting the focus of the British Empire towards colonial expansion would be the optimal choice.

After dragging on for more than half a year, the promised British troops have finally arrived. The last batch of reinforcements has set sail from the British Isles to the Balkan Peninsula.

This reinforcement was strongly demanded by Lieutenant General FitzRoy Somerset at the frontlines. He no longer believed that the Ottomans could eradicate the guerrilla forces, and he was also uncertain about when the French would defeat the Russians.

The prestige of the British Empire could not be tarnished, and the honor of the army must be upheld. For the sake of reputation, the army’s domestic standing, and future military expenditures, the bureaucrats at the British War Office have surprisingly shown high efficiency.

In theory, the arrival of these 30,000 British troops at the frontlines has a high possibility of breaking the stalemate on the battlefield. However, the British government still lacked confidence.

Since the Napoleonic Wars, the Russian Empire has been the most powerful country on the European continent and the world’s foremost land power.

The British government lacked confidence in its own army. They do not believe that this number of troops alone could break the stalemate. In fact, the British government had not even requested the army to launch an offensive.

In the eyes of the British Cabinet, Britain was not inherently a strong land power. As long as they avoid embarrassment on the Balkan battlefield, the responsibility of defeating the Russians would still be left to the French and the Ottomans.

Prime Minister John Russell asked, “The situation on the Balkan Peninsula has reached a stalemate. Without additional reinforcements, it’s unlikely to achieve victory in the short term. What are your thoughts?”

Foreign Secretary Palmerston suggested, “Prime Minister, this situation has mainly arisen because the Russians have been meticulously preparing for this war for over two years, while the allied forces hastily responded.

Additionally, the position of the Austrian government has taken us by surprise. The Austrian government has unexpectedly abandoned restrictions on the Russians and even provided them with logistical support.

We have already contacted the Austrian government, and their stance is remarkably firm. Without considering our conditions, they have clearly stated their neutral position.

When we asked them to refuse to supply strategic materials to the Russians, they rejected our request, citing the pretext of free trade.”

The concept of ‘free trade’ was proposed by the British, and it unexpectedly backfired on them so quickly. Unfortunately, they couldn’t oppose it as it was the national policy of the British Empire.

In this era, there were no restrictions on neutral countries not exporting strategic materials, at least no mandatory constraints. Austria was currently openly doing business with the Russians.

Palmerston briefly considered raiding the Austrian markets to cut off the Russian supply. However, he gave up the idea after some thought. The domestic capitalists were not to be trifled with.

If the British government purchased Austrian over domestic goods, capitalist backlash could prove fatal.

As a political ally, First Lord of the Admiralty Sir James Graham came to his rescue: “Mr. Palmerston is right. The situation has arisen due to our misjudgment of Russo-Austrian relations.

However, what’s done is done, and pointing fingers won’t change that. Now, the most crucial thing is to defeat the Russians. Let the past be the past!

Russians also have weaknesses. According to the intelligence we have, more than 80% of the Russian military supplies in the Balkan Peninsula are currently being provided by the Austrians. The remaining supplies are the reserves stockpiled by the Russians.

As for the strategic materials in the Caucasus, they are mostly provided by the Russians themselves.

Most of these strategic materials are stockpiled along the Ukrainian coast. If we can launch a surprise attack in these areas, it would be a significant blow to the Russians.”

Of course, it would be a significant blow; the results of the two years of preparation by the Russians were all here. Originally, they planned to use the Black Sea Fleet to transport logistical supplies for the frontline troops.

However, plans couldn’t keep up with the fast changes, and the British and French navies stormed in, cutting off maritime traffic. They could only slowly transport supplies to the frontlines using ox carts and horse-drawn carriages.

If the British manage to raid these supplies, the economic losses alone would make the Russian government weep.

Given the greed of Russian bureaucrats, even if the British just fired a few shots, they would likely exaggerate the damage to these supplies.

Palmerston proposed, “Not only can we destroy these supplies, but in fact, we can also open a second front along the Ukrainian coast.

The Russians have deployed their main forces to the Balkan Peninsula, so we can take advantage of this opportunity to eradicate the Black Sea Fleet’s base.

Without these bothersome flies, our troops can land on the Black Sea coast at any time, giving the Russians a headache.

They may let go of other places, but the Crimean Peninsula is something they absolutely cannot afford to lose.

The Russian military strength is not unlimited. After we open a new front, they will not be able to defend both fronts simultaneously for long.”

The British government made a misjudgment in the Russian-Ottoman relations, a mistake caused by the Foreign Ministry, and so Palmerston must find a way to remedy it.

Opening a new front was the strategy devised by his think tank. As long as they defeat the Russians, all previous mistakes would become negligible.

With naval superiority, they could fight along the Black Sea coast as they wish.

The Russians cannot handle three fronts simultaneously; it was clear they were stretched thin. Ignoring the Caucasus was not an option, abandoning the Balkan Peninsula was also impossible as the Russians have invested too much, and they were already at the doorsteps of Constantinople.

Yet, Crimea could not be relinquished either. If they lose this region, the English and French navies would blockade their doorstep daily, making it impossible for the Russians to develop a navy in the Black Sea.

Without a navy, continuing to siege Constantinople would only hold political and religious significance. Even if they conquer it, it would be challenging to maintain control.

Secretary of State Henry John Temple questioned: “Mr. Palmerston, theoretically, opening a second front is excellent, but don’t forget, we are also launching a distant expedition. While the Russians will suffer significant losses, our expenses are even greater.

Just like the current war in the Balkans, the military expenditure of the allied forces is double that of the Russians. The Russians directly purchase supplies from Austria, and our transportation costs are also a quarter higher than theirs.

The Ottomans’ financial resources are already depleted, and we bear all the expenses for the army of the Kingdom of Sardinia. The financial situation of the French government is not optimistic either.

If we open a new front on the Crimean Peninsula, most of the military expenditure will fall on us, and there is no budget for this in the finances. How do we convince the Parliament?”

No one likes to suffer losses, and now, by opening a new front, the British must play the role of the financial sponsor again. This means spending millions, or even tens of millions of pounds.

Palmerston calmly explained, “Mr. Temple, you're worrying too much. If war breaks out on the Crimean Peninsula, we actually have the advantage.

As long as we destroy the supplies stockpiled by the Russians along the Black Sea coast beforehand, they will have to rely on rearward transportation for resupply.

The cost of this is much higher than purchasing from Austria, and given the Russian government’s slow reaction time, they won’t be able to adjust in the short term if they suddenly encountered this situation.

In such situations, the more chaotic it gets, the more prone they are to making mistakes, providing us with an opportunity.

Even if they don’t make mistakes, fighting on three fronts exceeds their national capacity. We are facing an enemy with shortages in troops, funds, and supplies. Winning this war shouldn’t be a problem.

As for the increased military spending, compared to defeating the Russians, the cost is negligible.

After such a major defeat, the suppressed social conflicts under the Russian government will erupt. With internal and external troubles, the possibility of the collapse of the Russian Empire is very high.

At that time, we can completely carve up the Russian Empire according to our will, eliminating this threat once and for all.”

In this era, the Russians were the primary enemies of the British. If it was merely defeating the Russians, it was not enough to convince the British Parliament to agree to a significant commitment.

However, if there is a possibility of completely crushing the Russians, then it’s a different story. No parliamentarian could refuse such a tempting prospect.

Seeing no further objections, John Russell said: “If there are no other objections, let’s proceed to vote now. Those in favor of Mr. Palmerston’s proposal, please raise your hands.”

After saying this, John Russell raised his own hand. He couldn’t resist the temptation of crushing the Russians either. Completing this task would make him one of the greatest Prime Ministers in British history.

After scanning the room, John Russell continued, “Passed. Next week, I will submit the proposal to Parliament on behalf of the Cabinet. Mr. Palmerston, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should immediately communicate with the French to reach a consensus on this matter as soon as possible. It’s best to settle this before the parliamentary vote to avoid any complications later on.”

No matter how good the strategy is, it still needs people to implement it. The British army has only a limited number of troops, and is not enough to face the Russians, so they have to rely on the French to endure the brunt.

Since Napoleon III wants to gain political prestige from this war, how could he expect to do so without paying a price?

John Bull is no fool; if the French don’t make an effort, the conflict is unlikely to escalate.

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